Ghazni and Kabul

Keane halted for two months at Kandahar in order to rest his troops and collect supplies, and then moved on towards Kabul. He left a garrison in Kandahar under Major-General William Nott, a cantankerous and irritable officer of the Bengal Army who was one of the few senior officers to come out of the campaign with any credit. The fortified town of Ghazni lay between Kandahar and Kabul. It was reputedly a place of some strength, but Keane, for some unaccountable reason left behind his siege artillery at Kandahar. These guns had been dragged with immense difficulty all the way from Ferozepore and were discarded at the time they were most needed. Keane was severely criticized for his action, and particularly by Henry Havelock,¹ serving with the 13th Foot, but he may have been influenced by the difficulty of finding sufficient fodder for the train of elephants and bullocks required to drag the guns.

Whatever his reasons for leaving the guns behind, Keane must have regretted his decision when he first set eyes on Ghazni. It was one of the strongest fortresses in Afghanistan and his light horse artillery guns were useless for making a breach in the walls. However, a traitor was found, as so often in Afghanistan at that time, and he reported that the Kabul Gate was only weakly defended. The place was taken by coup-de-main, by a ‘forlorn hope’ from the European regiments, after the gate was blown in just before dawn. There was severe street fighting before Ghazni capitulated, and Sita Ram’s regiment was involved in this. Once again he marvels at the clemency of the British when the fighting is over, and is amazed by the admiration they showed for the outspoken defiance of the Afghan chiefs. Sita Ram does not, however, make it clear whether he respected the British for this aspect of their character, or merely thought them mad—probably a bit of both.

From Ghazni the army marched to Kabul. Dost Mahommed’s forces melted away in front of them, and Dost Mahommed himself escaped with his favourite son, Akbar Khan, to Kohistan beyond the Hindu Kush. There he survived to fight another day, but not before undergoing some unpleasant adventures in Bokhara where he sought refuge with the bloodthirsty amir who imprisoned him for a time. Shah Shujah-ul-Mulk was restored to the throne by the British, and forthwith proceeded to alienate his few supporters by his arrogance, meanness, and choice of ministers. He was also hated by his subjects for his reliance on British bayonets to keep him on the throne. Sita Ram is critical of Shah Shujah, and also of Sir William Macnaghten, the British Envoy, who consistently maintained that the Shah’s rule was popular.

The expeditionary force was reduced in strength after the entry into Kabul. The Bombay contingent returned to India by way of Kandahar and Quetta in Baluchistan. The Bengal contingent was reduced by several regiments, and Major-General Sir Willoughby Cotton succeeded Lieutenant-General Sir John Keane as commander of the force. The intention was to hand over more and more responsibility for internal security to Shah Shujah's Levy, but the efficiency of this force, never high, declined rapidly. However, conditions improved temporarily in those areas where the Company's troops were garrisoned, and a cantonment was constructed in Kabul itself. Although most officers, including Cotton, wished the troops to be garrisoned in the Bala Hissar, the fortress-palace of the kings of Afghanistan, Shah Shujah insisted that this would be a derogation of his sovereignty, and was supported by Macnaghten. In consequence the cantonment was constructed outside Kabul in an area that was difficult to defend, being surrounded by orchards and gardens and overlooked from the nearby hills, and was laid out on a pattern more suited to the peaceful conditions of Madras than a city as turbulent as Kabul.

The British officers did their best to reproduce the cantonment life to which they had been accustomed in India, with horse racing, dinner parties, cricket, and shooting and fishing. Early in 1840 some of them were joined by their wives who had made the long and dangerous journey from Delhi and beyond in camel litters and on horseback. Among them were Lady Macnaghten, the British Envoy's wife, and Lady Florentia Sale, wife of the Colonel of the 13th Foot who had recently been appointed to command a brigade. Lady Sale took her daughter with her, as well as some packets of sweet peas and assorted 'hardy perennials'. She made a deep impression on Sita Ram, who was later to see her displaying great courage during the retreat from Kabul, and he would probably have preferred being commanded by her than by her husband, who was described on one occasion as 'stupid, blundering old Sale'. But he did not lack for courage.

Sita Ram also describes the amorous relations of certain British officers with high-born Afghan ladies. That this did happen cannot be denied and it undoubtedly aroused much ill-feeling among the Afghans. Dislike of having their women interfered with by foreign soldiery is a trait by no means confined to the Afghans, but in a Moslem country, and among a people as proud and hot-tempered as the Afghans, it became even more unendurable. It is astonishing that Macnaghten, whose own conduct was unimpeachable, should have permitted such behaviour; but his senior political officer in Kabul, Lieutenant-Colonel Sir Alexander Burnes, is reputed to have been one of the worst offenders. It is possible that Macnaghten, who worked so hard at his papers that he never had time for anything else, was unaware of the state of affairs, and perhaps neither Shah Shujah nor anyone else bothered to enlighten him, but if so, it was a fatal mistake. The British were sufficiently disliked as foreign invaders and usurpers and, as if this was not enough for the wretched Afghans to endure, they now appeared to be cuckolds as well. There can have been no better grounds for the tragedy which was shortly to follow.

After some months' stay, the army moved on towards Ghazni. Ghazni had refused to acknowledge Shah Shujah and lay about 280 miles from Kandahar. The road was very bad in places and yet quite easy compared with our previous marches. To everyone's astonishment Lord 'Kane' sahib only took light guns with him, and left behind all the heavy artillery, which we had such labour and difficulty in dragging through the passes, at Kandahar, where a garrison of two or three thousand men from our force was also left. When we came in sight of the fortress of Ghazni it was seen to be place of great strength and unlikely to be taken without the assistance of heavy guns. The enemy came out in great force as we approached the town and sharp firing took place, but they were soon driven back again. This was the first time we had any fighting since we entered Afghanistan. The governor of Ghazni was Hyder Ali Khan² and all the inhabitants supported Dost Mahommed, and were opposed to Shah Shujah. They felt secure in the strength of the place. The walls were too high to scale and the horse artillery guns were of little or no use against them.

The armies of the Sirkar and the Shah were about to leave the place untaken when one night a deserter came to our camp. He said he wished to be taken direct to our General, and it was believed that he pointed out a gate by which we could enter the fortress.³ This man was one of the many sons of the amir, with whom he had quarrelled, and he now sought to revenge himself on his father by betraying the secret of the door. In a few days a storming party was told off. Orders were given to keep up a hot fire on that side of the fortress away from the gate in order to deceive and distract the attention of the Ghazis,⁴ while a party went up to the gate to blow it open with several bags of gunpowder.

The wind blew hard on this night and the clouds of dust which were flying about made everything darker than usual. When the guns opened fire, we saw the Ghazis running with torches, which suddenly made the place look like the Diwali Pujah⁵. After waiting some time we saw a flash high in the air, but we heard no noise on account of the firing of our guns. The bugles sounded the advance and the storming party rushed forward. They consisted of the 13th Europeans, the 16th Grenadiers, and two companies of my regiment.⁶ No-one knew whether the gate had been blown in or not. The Shah's soldiers hung back a little until, hearing the continued firing of musketry and the bugles still sounding, and with morning also beginning to break, they went forward. The Ghazis fought like demons but to no avail. Our musketry swept them away. There was much confusion at this time. Some said that the gate had not been blown in; others said that the stormers had gone through. Our Brigadier halted the columns which were in reserve and sent forward an officer. However, it was now getting light and we could see the red coats inside the fortress. The Ghazis crowded to the gateway and defended it sword in hand. Some companies of Europeans were driven back and two companies of sepoys charged and carried the gateway. The Europeans were so pleased by this that they shook hands with every man of that regiment. I heard that the Brigadier sahib was severely wounded by a Ghazi who attacked him. The place was taken and was soon swimming with blood.⁷

The leading citizens and the women all came out and begged protection from the English General sahib. The Governor could nowhere be found and no-one knew whether he had been killed or not. After looking for him all over the place an officer found him hiding in a house. He was just about to fire at him when the man called out that he was Hyder Ali. He was taken to the General who treated him very kindly. This man spoke out very boldly to the Commander-in-Chief. He said he was fighting for his country and his amir. The Afghans had never annoyed the British; why, therefore, had they come into his country to set up a king whom they all hated? They had brought death and desolation into many Afghan families. He ended by saying— 'kill me if you like, but if you let me go, I shall ever be found as your enemy, and do all in my power to excite the people against you, and drive you all out of Kabul!' The General sahib was not angry. He told Hyder Ali that he was a brave man and that he respected his feelings. But he, the General, was acting under the orders of his Government, whose servant he was. Once again I saw here the curious customs in war of the English. Had this man said half as much before a rajah or nawab, he would have been cut to pieces on the spot. And yet, in this instance, and in open durbar, the very sahibs who had fought against him cried out Barekilla! Barekilla! (Bravo! Bravo!). This was wonderful! Why do they fight? Not to kill their enemies but to have the pleasure of capturing them and then letting them go! Truly, their ways are unaccountable. It was also very odd that this man so brave in speech was found in hiding after the battle!⁸

Ghazni was a large town, surrounded by a high wall, and with a lofty citadel. The Afghans thought the place secure against any invaders, and it certainly would have been against any of their tribes. But what place can withstand the amazing good fortune of the Sirkar? A son of the amir, Akbar Khan, was reported to be marching on Ghazni to attack the English army, but when he heard that the place had fallen, he hastily retreated. More sahibs were killed and wounded in the capture of this place than I can recall at any other siege, but our loss in men was small—not more than 180.⁹ The cavalry of our Levy distinguished itself very much and the Shah's army made a name for itself.¹⁰ This siege took place in the middle of the hot season of 1839.

sahibs' ladies came up to this country with the other army, but how they got up here I do not know.¹¹ They are wonderful for courage. The General sahib had his lady, who was a real warrior memsahib.¹² I never knew how these ladies came, because the sepoys told me that there was much fighting in progress by whichever route they had taken. But after having seen a lady lead a column through a pass, I can wonder at nothing.¹³ The Pundit Duleep Ram had often told me—'My son, put not your trust in the counsels of women, for they are like ice—firm in the morning, but melt away as the sun rises'. However, he had never met an English memsahib. If the officers had taken counsel from some of their wives the calamities that afterwards befell the English army would never have occurred.

A garrison was left at Ghazni and our army marched on to Kabul. We received the news during the march of Maharajah Runjeet Singh's death¹⁴ and the officers were anxious concerning the outcome of this event. It was said that the Sikhs would now make friends with the Afghans and help them against the Sirkar; they would cut off the English forces marching through their territory. Other reports said that the Sirkar's resources were limitless, and that it possessed more money in one of its towns than the Afghans did in their entire country. All kinds of rumours were flying around. First, the English had been driven out of Kandahar and their army had been destroyed in the Bolan Pass. Then, again, that the English were coming through the Bolan Pass with 100,000 soldiers. These rumours were incessant and at variance with each other. The sahibs did not know the real state of affairs and therefore were unable to contradict this bazaar gossip.

Messengers now arrived in our camp and the General sahib told us that two large armies would soon be arriving in Afghanistan.¹⁵ This encouraged our small force, and our commanders were keen to advance before the other armies arrived, since they might take all the prizes out of our hands. Kabul was eight marches north of Ghazni, and during this march emissaries from Dost Mahommed came into our camp. Among them was the Nawab Jubar Khan, a brother of Dost Mahommed. He requested that the English army should leave Afghanistan but he departed without having persuaded the political officers to agree. It was curious to see the way agents continually came to the English camp with the most foolish demands. They showed no fear and relied on the honour of the English.

About three days after the Nawab had left, we received news that Dost Mahommed had been deserted by nearly all his followers, and a light column was prepared in order to pursue him. The officers were certain that he would be captured. This column was accompanied by an Afghan called Hadji Khan Khaukar who said he was well acquainted with all the movements and intentions of the Amir Dost Mahommed. He offered to lead the column by a short cut to the Amir's hiding place, but after several forced marches and halts, these latter always on the advice of Khaukar, the Amir managed to escape over the hills into the country beyond Kabul. However, all his camp equipment and guns were captured. When Shah Shujah learned that Dost Mahommed had escaped, he demanded Khaukar's head since he had discovered him to be a traitor. The English refused to give him up; they made him a prisoner and sent him to Hindustan.¹⁶

The army entered Kabul without any fighting and the Shah was proclaimed king. But here, as at Kandahar, the people took no part in the rejoicings; these were all made by the Shah's own soldiers and his court. The hearts of the people were with the Amir, and not with Shah Shujah.¹⁷

The Shah had murdered in open durbar a number of the prisoners taken at Ghazni, among whom were some of the leading Afghan chiefs. This act greatly disgusted the English officers and incensed the people of Afghanistan. 'Lad Macnaten' sahib¹⁸ was also very angry and he told Shah Shujah that the English army would be withdrawn if ever anything of this kind occurred again.¹⁹ It would have been well if the army had then left that wretched country. Shah Shujah had been placed on the throne, and Dost Mahommed had been driven out. However, it was common knowledge that a rebellion would break out the moment the foreign troops left. Shah Shujah and all his party dreaded this, and I believe that it was on account of their earnest entreaties that the Sirkar allowed its army to remain.²⁰ The people of Kabul talked openly in the bazaars that the Shah would remain king only so long as the red coats stayed to protect him.

The army went into quarters at Kabul. Some officers took over Afghan houses, while others occupied buildings in the outskirts of the city. Life was much the same as it was in Hindustan. Soon it became very cold—such cold as can never be experienced in our country. The sepoys suffered terribly; they lost the use of their limbs and their blood froze in their veins. The English soldiers who came from Europe did not suffer so much, but many of them became frost-bitten and affected with sores caused by the cold. Snow fell as deep as a man was high. Provisions were very expensive. We Hindus never dared bathe, since it was almost certain death.²¹ We had no comfort nor ease, and we never received any of the lavish presents promised so profusely by Shah Shujah in order to persuade us to come to his accursed country. Before the cold weather set in several regiments of the Bombay army were sent back to Baluchistan. I believe this force went by Jagdalak and the Khyber Passes—much the nearest route and with no deserts to be traversed. However, there was some fear of meeting the Sikh troops, who would have been delighted to attack the foreigners, despite the fact that their government was supposed to be at peace with Sirkar. Our army was much reduced in strength, but for some time everything remained peaceful.²²

Soon, however, the Afghans began to chafe at the occupation of their country by the English. They complained that the English were not adhering to 'Lad Macnaten' sahib's promise that the army would return to Hindustan as soon as Shah Shujah was secured on his throne. They pointed out that the king had been restored, and yet the foreigners still remained. 'Macnaten' sahib explained that a great part of the army had been sent back to Hindustan, but the chiefs complained that everyone had not departed and that, in reality, the English held possession of their country. The Envoy said that the Sirkar did not consider the Afghans as enemies—only those who resisted Shah Shujah, the rightful heir to the throne. But the Afghans replied that they had a right to have whatever king they chose. There were therefore endless disputes between the Sirdars and the English.

Despite all this discontent, many Afghan gentlemen apparently became great friends of the sahibs. High-born Afghan ladies used to visit the sahibs secretly. The women in this country are allowed to walk about under a thick veil,²³ through which they can see without being seen, and the fact that the sahibs were living in houses in the city gave great opportunity for intrigue.²⁴ The women liked the foreigners because they were fair; they pride themselves in Kabul on being fair, and the whiter a woman is, the more beautiful she is considered to be. These proceedings gave rise to great jealousies, and more than one officer was stabbed or fired at. How true it is that women are the cause of all evil! Several ladies of rank used to visit the political officers. Some said they were sent by their husbands for political reasons, while others declared that business of another kind took them there. However, it is certain that their husbands must have known they were in the habit of visiting the officers' houses, since latterly there was very little attempt at concealment. It was a matter of wonder to us how this could go on when the foreigners were regarded by the whole population in the bazaars with great contempt, and were always referred to as 'cursed kaffirs'. There is no comprehending the fancies of a woman. They may have been sent in the first place to try and gain some knowledge of the designs of the Sirkar, but it was common gossip that they preferred the sahibs to their own husbands. Shri Sukhdeoji says: 'Women of low degree leave their husbands. This is the custom all over the world, and has been so for ever.' But these were not women of low caste; some were the wives of the Sirdars themselves, and they did not desert their husbands.